A blog about the choices women make in their lives. And what everybody else has to say about them. By Katy Read
Friday, March 2, 2012
Sunday, January 15, 2012
Work-family balance isn't an artisanal cheese
Midway through an engaging book
review by David Remnick in the Jan. 16 New
Yorker, I happened upon a brief but disturbing
remark.
Remnick, who is editor of the magazine, was reviewing Jodi Kantor’s The Obamas, but the remark in question had little directly to do with the
First Couple. Here is the significant paragraph (emphasis added on the disturbing
part):
In some respects, the Obamas resemble a post-sixties version of the Clintons. They are graduates of some of the richest institutions in the country. In Hyde Park, they lived among other highly educated, liberal, earnestly well-meaning, and self-regarding people, with all the requisite concerns about “family-career balance,” “doing good and doing well.” They lived with the small hypocrisies and pleasures of their milieu, bringing together some hyper-wealthy friends and unabashedly progressive causes. It is a liberal aesthetic raised to a style of life.
By “family-career
balance,” Remnick apparently means what’s more commonly called “work-family
balance” or “work-life balance”—that is, management of the competing demands of
jobs and childcare. Since those responsibilities sometimes conflict to the point
of being mutually prohibitive, work-family balance is indeed a requisite
concern for many people. Especially for women, who tend to shoulder a greater
portion of the “family” part of the equation and sacrifice economically because
of it, but also for men, who often feel more pressure to prioritize work and consequently
miss out on time with their kids (both of which scenarios probably apply to the
Obamas, come to think of it).
But look how Remnick presents
the term, framed with scare quotes amid wry phrases like “earnestly
well-meaning, and self-regarding” and “small hypocrisies and pleasures.” Requisite,
of course, literally means necessary. But Remnick is suggesting that in this
case the necessity isn’t quite real, that the concerns are a puffed-up product
of class expectations. He implies that “family-career balance” is a fashionable
issue over which the privileged and progressive may furrow their brows as a
matter of propriety, not a really source of serious tension in their glamorous lives.
As if figuring out
how to both do your job and raise your kids were a task on the order of, oh, selecting
an artisanal cheese.
Remnick isn’t being mean-spirited; his prĂ©cis is only lightly
sardonic, not to mention otherwise spot-on. (Don’t you just know people like
that, even if those in your orbit rank somewhere below the Obamas? Heck, I’ve had
neighbors whom this describes to a T except for the “hyper-wealthy” part.) He pokes
friendly fun at those people—and, implicitly, at himself. The New Yorker is politically liberal, arguably
the country’s most esteemed periodical, and famously well-paying. As editor, Remnick
occupies the same sort of glittering, left-leaning environment he gently mocks.
He is also a husband (to New York Times reporter Esther Fein), and
father of three children.
Who knows how the Remnick-Fein household handles its child-caring
duties. Maybe for whatever reason the matter has never posed much of a problem,
despite the parents’ demanding careers. A 2006 profile
of Remnick in the Guardian (back when
his sons were teenagers and his daughter seven) depicts his family stuff as ordinary
but remarkably stress-free: “He does his fair share of ferrying to music lessons
and little league games. Asked to explain how he manages to balance these
things, Remnick shrugs and says he doesn't do anything other than spend time
with his family and work. 'It's not like I build toy ships, or travel to
Tahiti. I don't go surfing. I don't know: what do people do?'”
Well sir, many of them struggle with work-family balance,
even if they’re financially successful. Or so I assume, anyway. Because, sure, wealthy people can afford great
childcare, but many also work long hours and travel for business, and even wealthy
parents want to spend time with their children.
But the rich are hardly the only ones facing the problem. If
juggling work and children is tough for the 1 percent, imagine how it is for people
who have not “careers” but plain old jobs, people who can’t afford great childcare and for whom staying home with a sick kid
might mean not only forfeiting a day’s pay but possibly getting fired.
Remnick is aware of all this, of course. But maybe it doesn’t
all click together; I suspect he doesn’t connect “family-career balance” to the
shortcomings in our system—problems with family leave, daycare, job
flexibility, health care and so on—that can lead to genuine desperation,
financial sacrifice and, in some families, economic disaster. His use of “career”
rather than “work,” together with his light-handed tone, suggest he is
imagining hyper-responsible parents checking off quality time with little Abigail
and Aiden between conferences and fundraisers, just another aspect of the “liberal
aesthetic raised to a style of life.” After all, it was under Remnick’s
editorship that, in a 2004
New Yorker review of books describing this dilemma, Elizabeth Kolbert wrote, “Choosing
between work and home is, in the end, a problem only for those who have a
choice. In this sense, it is, like so many ‘problems’ of twenty-first-century
life, a problem of not having enough problems.”
Maybe I'm making too much of Remnick’s offhand phrase in
a piece that’s mostly about something else.
But I can't help thinking that if even the brilliant editor of one of the country’s most
influential publications doesn’t fully understand why work-family balance is a
serious issue for a lot of people at every socioeconomic level, then those of
us for whom it’s an honest-to-God requisite concern have an long way to go.
Friday, December 2, 2011
Why so much fitness and parenting advice is bullshit
You never have to look far to find flagrant violations of
the “Correlation
does not imply causation” law. They abound in newspapers, magazines, TV
programs, parenting and diet books—anywhere, basically, that covers topics like
parenting or fitness, and thus relies heavily on behavioral research. In the past month, you could find examples of the problem, among other places, on
the website of the country’s leading popular psychology monthly, in a piece by the
triple-Pulitzer-winning New York Times
columnist, and in a psychologist’s column on Huffington Post.
As many of you may
recall from your old science and psychology courses (or from a Brain, Child piece I wrote last year),
just because two things are correlated doesn’t mean that one of them caused the other. For example, if there’s a
correlation between A and B—more of A tends to go hand in hand with more of B—that’s
no proof that A caused B. It might
have. Or maybe B caused A, or some combination of the two, or a third factor, C, caused both.
In a Psychology Today
blog post titled “Parents:
Your Words Matter,” University of Chicago psychology professor Sian
Beilock writes about a correlation between the way parents talk
to their preschool children and the children’s later problem-solving skills. Researcher Susan Levine, Beilock reports, found that the
more parents talked about spatial characteristics of objects—using words like “big,
tall, circle, curvy, edge”—the better the child performs, years later, on spatial problems.
If that’s what Dr. Levine and her colleagues really found,
there’s no evidence of it in Beilock’s post, nor in the abstract
of Levine’s article in Developmental Science. Based on what they present, it could just as easily go the
other way around.
Now, I’m not going to argue that parents words don’t matter (though in research I’ve
conducted in my own household, I found little correlation between parental instructions
to take one’s dirty dishes into the kitchen and the likelihood that one’s dirty
dishes will actually be taken into the kitchen). It may seem
logical that a child who’s always hearing her parents talk about objects' sizes and shapes
might be more attuned to those qualities and, thus, better at solving problems involving
those concepts.
That might make intuitive sense, but intuition isn’t proof—another lesson from those college psychology
courses. Besides, it’s just as intuitively logical that parents who are good at
spatial problems are more likely to perceive the world in spatial terms and (unconsciously,
perhaps) pepper their language with spatial words. And that their children tend
to inherit those skills and later prove, unsurprisingly, to be good at spatial stuff,
too.
One big moral of this story is that simple correlations
between parental actions and children’s behavior rarely proves cause and effect
if the parents and children are biologically related. In most stuations, it’s
too difficult to rule out the possibility that genes, rather than parenting, are the cause.
Thomas Friedman forgets that, too. He
writes about a study in which 15-year-olds whose parents read to them when
they were little scored higher on a test than kids whose parents didn’t. From this, Friedman
concludes:
We need better parents. Parents more focused on their children’s education can also make a huge difference in a student’s achievement.
Spot the correlation/causation error here? Again, it's a problem of ignoring possible genetic influence. What kind of parents read books to their kids?
Probably those who like to read themselves. What kind of people like to read? Usually
people who are good at reading. What kind of parents involve themselves in their
child’s education? Most likely parents who did well in school themselves.
So it’s no big leap to imagine that children who are read to also inherited their parents' reading skills and academic achievement. Yet neither Friedman nor the researchers seem to have considered that possibility. But hey, even if their conclusion were 100 percent scientifically sound, they still would hardly justify this comment, quoted by Friedman,
from the guy who oversees the testing:
[J]ust asking your child how was their school day and showing genuine interest in the learning that they are doing can have the same impact as hours of private tutoring.
First, judging from the monosyllabic grunts I usually get in answer to that question, it seems doubtful. Anyway, how would he know this? I’m going to step out on a limb and guess that there
probably aren't many parents alive who purchase “hours of private tutoring”
for their children yet don't bother to ask how school is going. So who would be the control group here?
Finally, in his rhymingly titled Huffington
Post piece, “Sleeping Late, Eating Late, Leads to Gaining Weight,” Michael
J. Breus similarly jumps to a conclusion, based on a correlation between sleep
patterns and weight gain.
A message to night owls: There's news that your bedtime -- and those late-night snacks -- may be preventing you from dropping those stubborn extra pounds.
Again, it’s not hard to think of another explanation for this correlation: That people
who like to stay up late are often also people who like to eat a lot. As a
card-carrying member of both groups, I can vouch for this. But Breus, a.k.a. “The
Sleep Doctor,” doesn’t even consider that possibility. Wonder
if this could have anything to do with the topic of his recent book, The Sleep Doctor's Diet Plan: Lose Weight
through Better Sleep.
Even if those writers and researchers are leaping to
conclusions, you might ask, where’s the harm? Why wouldn't you want to ask about your kid's
school day, whether it got him better test scores or not? (Do you
ask about your partner's work day, even if you don't think it will get him or her a raise?) Besides, if there’s any chance, however slight, that it
would improve their school performance, why not go for it? Asking the question is pretty easy.
The spatial language situation is a bit more difficult. You might
be willing to stop and think about every word you say to your child and deliberately insert spatial terms into the mix. (Although what if by doing that you’re
squelching some other form of communication that might be equally important? I
used to play word games with my then-preschool kids. On the day when I asked one to name the opposite of “short” and he came back with both “long” and “tall,” I knew he would
be good in language classes, and voila, he is. Yet I can't say his
language skills are the result of playing word games; very likely, he and I both liked
playing word games because we’re both good at language.)
But the most damaging result of all of this
misinterpretation and misinformation is guilt. It's the guilt you might feel if you take Friedman seriously when he proclaims, “We need better
parents.”
Don’t most of us—at least, those of us who comprise the audience for
these articles, i.e., people interested in figuring out how to be better parents—already
do plenty of fretting about what we’re doing wrong? Must we really be told, once again,
that we’re never good enough?
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